This essay about sculptor Attilio Selva (1888-1970) aims to deepen the meaning of his public works realised for Trieste and Capodistria between the Twenties and the Thirties, focusing on the cultural and political context. Born in Trieste, he grew up in a background dominated by the notion of «irredentismo», both for his family education and his connection to the nationalist Roman circle gravitating towards «L’Idea Nazionale» magazine. This cultural background is a key point in order to give a new interpretation of the artist’s monumental oeuvre, which has been often considered to be a mere expression of Fascist regime.
This article analyzes the contested role of bilingualism in the politics of national identity implemented in Rijeka after the Second world war, when the city was integrated into Socialist Yugoslavia. The investigation of the linguistic landscape focuses on the implementation process of visual bilingualism, exploring difficulties, different stages and the eventual removal of Italian signs in the city. The article highlights the approaches of different actors – as the minority institutions and various Party organs – on this particularly visible and crucial issue. The analysis of everyday political confrontation on the city’s public image and the consideration of the ways in which different subjects acted within the general ideological framework stress the tensions in the definition of the relationship between national identities and territories: one of the most sensitive issues in the organization of the Yugoslav socialist state.
Guido Podrecca was a former socialist MP who, after years of interventionist activity, joined Mussolini’s newspaper in 1917 to later become a fascist and a friend and associate of the future dictator. His family originated from the Slovene area known as «Italian Slavia», but held fiercely Italian patriotic beliefs. His attitude towards the South Slavs, while similar in some aspects to many of his «Popolo d’Italia» colleagues’ (i.e. a strong anti-Croat sentiment, a distrust of the Yugoslav idea), was characteristic when dealing with Slovenes. Contrary to the normal course of action of his newspaper, he believed a successful and peaceful merger between Italian and Slavs in the new provinces was possible, possibly even relished by the Slovenes themselves. His lexicon reflected this attitude, and despicable actions and traits were never ascribed to Slovenes. Likewise, he claimed that the unavoidable italian «assimilation» of the «allogeni» needed to be as slow and gentle as possible.
In June 1945, the Anglo-American Allies and the Jugoslav Government agreed upon establishing a bi-zonal occupational regime in the Julian March. One of the main points of the agreement was the so-called Morgan line, the provisional boundary which was to divide the British/American and the Yugoslav zones. During the first two years of occupation, the relations between the two neighbours remained rather tense, with many incidents (some of which serious) occurring along the line. Even after the ratification of the Italian Peace Treaty, in September 1947, the situation did not improve significantly. The military détente along the border of the Free Territory of Trieste came only after the Tito-Stalin split and the subsequent, gradual rapprochement between Yugoslavia and the West. Using original archival sources (mainly British), this essay provides the reader with an extensive overview on the frontier incidents which took place in the Julian March and the Free Territory of Trieste from mid-1945 until 1949 (when the last clashes involving Allied troops occurred).
The Freemasonries of the main powers of the Entente and of some neutral countries met in Paris in June 1917 to define the structure of the new Europe that would have sprung from the end of the war. Italian Freemasonry also took part in the meeting. During the meeting the birth of a «League of Nations» was established, a project that would reappear in Wilson’s Fourteen points. During the meeting there emerged contrasts between the Italian Masons and those of France and Serbia on the subject of the future borders of Italy. The French, allied with the Serbs, wanted Dalmatia and other lands to be attributed to the future Yugoslavia. The suspicion, always denied, that the Italian delegation had accepted the proposal of the plebiscites (which would have favored the Slavic nation) sparked a series of controversies against Italian Freemasonry and showed how nationalism was supplanting the ancient cosmopolitanism of the European Masonic families.
«Qualestoria» è la rivista dell’Irsml FVG, fondata nel 1973 come «Bollettino dell’Istituto regionale per la storia del movimento di liberazione nel Friuli Venezia Giulia». Ospita contributi di autori italiani e stranieri, promuovendo la pubblicazione di numeri monografici e miscellanei. La rivista propone tradizionalmente tematiche legate alla storia contemporanea dell’area alto-adriatica e delle zone di frontiera, rivolgendo particolare attenzione allo studio e alla storiografia dei paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale e balcanica. Le proposte di pubblicazione vanno inviate all’indirizzo e-mail della redazione. Saranno preventivamente valutate da esperti interni ed esterni al comitato di direzione. I saggi pubblicati nella sezione «Studi e ricerche» sono sottoposti in forma anonima a double-blind peer review. «Qualestoria» è attualmente presente nei seguenti indici: Bibliografia storica nazionale, Catalogo italiano dei periodici (Acnp), Essper, Gbv (Gemainsame Bibliotheksverbund), Google Scholar, Res. È inoltre inserita dall’Anvur nella lista delle riviste scientifiche ai fini dell’abilitazione scientifica nazionale. La rivista non si intende impegnata dalle interpretazioni e vedute espresse da articoli e note firmati.