The essay reconstructs the journey and stay in the USA and England of the Soviet delegation invited to the International Youth Assembly in 1942. The delegation travelled for four months, with high-level meetings but also numerous popular meetings. The main sources used were, in addition to the Soviet-era archives, the newspapers of the time, in particular to recognise the reaction to a soldier woman, a sniper, which was a complete novelty and disconcerting for the Western media. On the whole, the distance and the difficulty of understanding the condition of the war in the USSR emerge. Some lesser-known aspects of L.M. Pavličenko’s life are also reconstructed.
Larissa Quaroni Cegodaeff – wife of the young diplomat Pietro Quaroni – spent almost four years between 1928 and 1931 in Albania during the diplomatic mission of her husband. In this time, Miss Quaroni Cegodaeff made a big number of photographic reports. Although they were pictures destined to private use, they represent an exceptional historical proof of the Albania of those years; such photos portray the life of the country whit its backwardness and with the first strides towards modernity.
Animalisation is a process that is very often used in the field of graphic satire. However, this process is quite formidable when the animal of reference has a bad reputation. This is the case of the pig, a polysemous animal, but which, in the West, is generally stigmatised, both because of its behaviour and its physical appearance. Depicting an individual in the guise of a pig is therefore a very strong symbolic degradation that caricaturists have not ceased to use by involving themselves, in their own way, in the religious, social and political struggles of their time.
This article describes the efforts of the well-known Albanian writer and scholar Ernesto Koliqi (1903-1975) to promote Albanological studies in Italy as a tool to counter Communism ideology and support Italian influence in Albania during the Cold War. The difficult diplomatic relations between Rome and Tirana did not make this task easy. The initiatives carried out by Koliqi with the support of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs had a clear political meaning. Based upon unpublished sources, the article shows the close connections between culture and politics in the field of Albanian Studies during the second half of the Fifties and the close ties between the Italian Government and the Albanian political groups of exiles in Italy, such as the National Independent Block (Blloku kombëtar indipendent, BKI), whose Koliqi was one of the most prominent members.
The Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad (Fnpyl) was a far-right political movement in Chile of President Salvador Allende (1970-1973) founded by the lawyer Pablo Rodriguez-Grez im-mediately after the victory of the left coalition Unitad Popular. The purpose of movement was to fight the so-called «Marxist dictatorship» of Allende. Fnpyl militants clashed with govern-ment supporters, participated in strikes led by opposition parties and anti-communist trade unions, and played a role in planned coup d’etat that anticipated Pinochet’s 1973 coup. Fnpyl received CIA money to destabilize Chile. The corporate and undemocratic program of Patria y Libertad was inspired by the Spanish Falange of José Antonio Primo De Rivera. After the coup of 11 September 1973, the movement was dissolved like all the other parties from the military junta.
“Sideways” gaze or thinking (R. Barthes, F. Jullien) refers to a specific type of intercultural philosophy that, more than others, allows us to disengage from the conditioning and prejudices that we suffer when we try to understand a different culture, civilization or religion. This paper identifies and discusses the characteristics of this intercultural approach and shows which theoretical structures and precautions are the most helpful to avoid an erroneous or stereotyped image of the “other”. These structures are based on a particular idea of ‘difference’ that requires to consider as “interdependent variables” (G. Pasqualotto) not only the different compared cultures, but also the point of view from which the comparison is made.
During the twentieth century, the name of Antonio Snider Pellegrini (1802-1885) was occasionally mentioned in writings about the history of the Continental Drift theory, since in 1858, he had published a graphic representation of it predating Alfred Wegener’s diagrams by several decades. However, little else was known about this enigmatic figure raised in the Austrian port of Trieste, who spent his life travelling between four continents and whose professional ventures were very wide-ranging. He was a businessman who took part in setting up the Generali insurance company; a geographer, a leader of colonization projects, and an art dealer and collector, but according to recently discovered documents he was also was a pro-Italian activist who played a dynamic role in the Revolutions of 1848-49, in the making of Italy and in the struggle against Austria. In those years, dividing his time between London and Civitavecchia, he figured prominently as a potential moneylender to the governments of Venice, Palermo, Turin and as supporter of the activists of the Roman Republic. When the turmoil came to an end, he was involved in saving the life of Giuseppe Mazzini, who was fleeing from Rome – an episode so far missing from biographies of the central figure in the Italian revolution – and he was a flanker of Italian exiles in London. This article sets out to reconstruct the complex history of a man constantly fluctuating between a passion for business and commerce, political activism, pioneering journeys, and fabulous art deals.
In July 1920 the Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Giolitti, set up the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on war expenditures to examine how government ministries, departments and agencies had managed public money during the Great War. More specifically, the Commission had two task: 1) to ascertain any possible irregular use of public funds, and thus any undue profits obtained by government contractors under the war economy; and 2) to establish any moral, political, administrative and legal responsibility of government servants. At the end of its term, the Commission should submit to the Parliament a Final Report including both the resuls of its inquiry activities and the goals achieved. Among the issues on which the Commission had to investigate – and thus report on – there was the Italian military campaign in Albania (1914-1920), which ended in a humiliating withdrawal of Italian forces. The purpose of this work is to shed new light on the chapter of the Final Report devoted to the Italian intervention in Albania by: 1) reviewing briefly origins and scope of the Commission, as well as the role and importance of Albania in Italy’s Adriatic strategy; 2) examining the results of the Commission’s investigation as recorded in the minutes of proceedings; and 3) making a critical analysis of the the contents of the Final Report.
At the turn of the 20th century on the Adriatic north-east coastline, there was a growing sense of national identity within the Italian and Slovenian communities. After the First World War, the region became part of the Kingdom of Italy, which thereby favoured the Italians over the local Slovenian people. The Italian Irredentism first, and Fascism later, extended their nationalist beliefs to every aspect of life, including artistic expressions. Therefore, the local cultural scene was subject to a binary narration in which the artists were defined mainly by their nationality rather than their work. Comparing the Italian and Slovenian press in the area helps to understand and retrace a complicated story in which the national identity doesn’t define the artists once and for all. Law and politics gave directions, but they have been applied, interpreted, disobeyed, and bypassed to a great extent. With its rising power, Fascism took control over the social and cultural life and censorship, which widely affected every nonconforming initiative. The Slovenian artists, at a certain time, seemed surrendered. However, they somehow resisted the constraint, safeguarding their culture and freedom as best they could.
The contribution focuses on the evolution of the image of the enemy in monuments, starting with the wars of independence, such as the Tower of San Martino to close with the long season of monuments to the fallen. The contrast between the systematic use of denigrating images of the enemy throughout the war season and their almost total disappearance after the end of the war was emphasized, when the new “cult of the fallen” will make the representation of the opponent fought for so long progressively irrelevant.
The paper starts with a lexicographical research on the definition of hatred in different cultures and draws from it a semiotic model structured in several levels of enunciation, which are linked to contrasting values. The philosophical tradition that attributes hatred to a perception of damage is then examined. From it derives a political and polemological analysis that sees hatred as a category of conflict and especially of war. Finally, we consider “hate speech” from a semiotic point of view, a very widespread category in contemporary debate and show how it serves above all to prohibit certain types of discourse and to protect certain categories, without true reference to the nature of hatred.
This essay is focused on the history of bilateral relations between the Italian Republic and Communist Albania, from 1944 to 1991. In those years this two countries, that had had strong connections during the interwar period, tried with some difficulties to positively rebuild their relationship, despite their different position in the Cold War International System. They reached a normalization but, due to also ideological division and Albanian Regime’s isolationism it was impossible to rebuild a profound relation between two peoples linked by a historic friendship.
Aurelia Benco (Trieste 1905-Duino 1995) was an anti-fascist, a politician, and a member of Parliament. Starting from unpublished documents, this essay aims to reconstruct a littleknown period in Benco’s life: her studies at the University of Bologna, her activism in the Communist Party, and her arrest in 1927. It is a time that profoundly marked her life, and it allows us to reflect on the forms of repression of political subversivism, and on the use of police sources for the study of women’s history.
Doctor Klaus Voigt (1938-2021) devoted much of his long life to studying Jewish refugees from Nazi-Germany who escaped to Italy. Among his countless books and essays, his most well-known books (Zuflucht auf Widerruf / Il rifugio precario) are a must for every scholar dealing with similar subjects. Since the Ninties, he was a member of the executive board of the Fondazione villa Emma in Nonantola (Modena). He published a lot about the group of Jewish children who lived there from 1942 to 1943 after their escape from Nazi- occupied Europe, fully integrated in this little town, where they where even given hospitality in the priests’ seminary, the convent of nuns, by several families after September 8th 1943, while preparing their escape to Switzerland. Doctor Voigt organized several photo-exhibitions about this story in more than forty cities in Europe. As an art lover, he organized exhibitions both in Florence and Berlin featuring Jewish artists and intellectuals. He was working on the biography of a Jewish painter, whose works will be exhibited in 2023 at Palazzo Pitti, when he died.