Poliarchie / Polyarchies 1/2018

Trade union ideology, which is also embraced by many scholars, sees the trade unions as a “political and bargaining subject” only. However, trade union practice, as concretely embodied by the supply system offered to the workers, is centred on individual (and collective) defence and on the provision of services, while sectorial and confederal collective bargaining only comes third. Trade unionism is thus like a two-faced coin: the first face, that of the “political and bargaining subject”, is declining both in the perception of the public opinion and in the picture outlined by quantitative indicators; the second face, that of paid defence and services, seems to be, at least up to today, constantly growing. This article explores in depth these old and new dimensions of the trade union supply system, proposing a quantitative measure for each element of the supply basket in terms of turnover, number of activities carried out, and personnel involved.

Since the beginning of the 2000s, a literature suggesting that development is an achievable goal for African states has emerged. Arguments like those that consider ‘neo-patrimonialism’ as an insurmountable obstacle to development have been cast-off in case states embark to re-invest rents in a long-term strategy (Khan and Sundaram 2000; Mkandawire 2001). This paper focuses on Angola, and it tries to determine whether oil rents have been so far employed according to a developmental strategy or for short-term consumption. It further argues that short-term consumption was initially encouraged and tolerated as part of an effort after the end of the civil war (2002) to foster elite cohesion, and it was later on demoted when the government adopted a comprehensive long-term development strategic vision, in 2007. However, the financial crisis of 2007-08 and the recent drop of oil prices have badly impacted on this strategy. As a result, the government is growingly turning to Chinese aid trying to keep the mismanagement of strategic resources under control.

Poliarchie/Polyarchies is multi-disciplinary journal which aims at promoting the encounter of the social sciences and humanities, ranging from sociology and political science to history, economics, law and philosophy. The analysis of political and social change can indeed be investigated from different perspectives and with the help of a variety of methodological tools. Poliarche/Polyarchies embraces a range of contemporary issues: processes of supranational integration and democratization in the world; the transformation of contemporary societies under the pressure of immigration and environmental challenges; the crises of “electoral democracy” in Europe and the development of a deliberative model of democracy; the potential “clash of civilizations” and socio-religious conflict; the resurgence of nationalisms and micro-regionalism in Europe and in the world; the integration of policy processes into networks and of communities into new frameworks and governance systems. The journal has an anonymous referee system and two issues per year are expected.

This paper examines the relationship between energy and administrative law, focusing in particular on French and English institutional experiences. It is mainly devoted to the topic of citizens’ participation and procedural simplification, and to the role of subjects who take a jurisdictional decision in the matter of environment and energy. The question to which the essay intends to contribute concerns the two experiences of France and the United Kingdom. And, in particular, if they contain models useful for a reflection of legal scholars in the Italian experience, and for the possible circulation of normative and jurisprudential formants, in an era that we define as an energy transition. From an administrative and judicial point of view, can we rethink the role of independent authorities and administrative judges about decisions on energy-environmental matters?

Italian party politics had been described for decades as immoderate and highly fractionalized. A great distance between the parties on the left-to-right dimension (polarization) and fractionalization are the two well-known syndromes of polarized multiparty politics, according to G. Sartori. This paper addresses the peculiarities of the Italian party system, inquiring into the contemporary changes of the patterns of party competition in Italy. It is argued that the Italian case has moved from polarized pluralism (1948-1992) to polarized bipolarism (1994-2012), with two major political coalitions alternating in power. Nonetheless, the progressive enfeeblement of the two competing coalitions, the emergence of new parties and the dismantlement of the majoritarian electoral laws favour the reestablishment of a multi-polar pattern of competition. The Italian party system now seems inexorably destined to go back to some form of multilateral distribution of parties with no clear ideological connotations.

The traditional alliance between labor parties and left-wing unions improved the living conditions of workers and the development of the welfare state. This alliance also contributed to improve legitimacy and democratic stability as a consequence of the equalizers effects derived from policies aimed at an equitable distribution of the wealth produced by workers. The alliance between the labor parties and the leftist unions appears today heavily eroded because of the profound transformations that have taken place in the productive system, in the social composition and in the degree of international economic integration of the advanced democracies. This contribution analyzes the political choices to adapt to changes made by labor parties and left-wing unions. These choices caused a widening gap of the political paths of the “two wings of the labor movement”, with the consequence - in some cases - of putting at risk the maintenance of the alliance itself. In the first section the evolution of the alliance is examined in a comparative perspective. The second section is dedicated to the Italian case where recently a significant relaxation of relations between the two political actors has been registered. Again in a comparative perspective, the probable developments of the historic alliance will be examined in the conclusive section.

In a society characterized by the intermingling or many and a different cultures, two options are open to the policy-makers: multiculturalism, for which every culture is, to say, like an island segregated from the others cultures and commanding an exclusive identification on the part of its members; and interculturalism, which allows for more flexible and dynamic relations between cultures, each of them been so thought as an integral part of a wider and inclusive setting of common beliefs and values. In the framework of the intercultural politics the problem arises of the ways in which an effective network of relationships between cultures may be built in order to promote their integration, i.e. the problem of intercultural mediation. The essay deals with the role that the key figure (that of the intercultural mediator) should play in this process. He should possess a high degree of education and professionalism in order to operate according to effective universalistic standards and promote the integration of immigrants. This implies that his recruitment must be completely independent of any origin or ethno-cultural affiliation. To date, at the national level the figure of the mediator has not been regulated and the whole sector is mostly managed by social cooperatives, cultural associations or immigrants’ associations that offer their services to the institutions with positive effects, but also with inevitable negative implications.