Il volume n. 5 contiene anche gli Atti del II Convegno Il calamo della memoria. Riuso di testi e mestiere letterario nella tarda antichità (Trieste, 27-28 aprile 2006).
A partire dal IV Convegno i contributi presentati e discussi nell’incontro biennale [vd. ancora «Incontri» n. 3 e 7] sono pubblicati in volume autonomo nella serie Polymnia. Studi di filologia classica.
Browsing 05. Incontri triestini di filologia classica (2005-2006) by Title
The author discusses the allusive technique of the Cento Probae, in which the pia munera Christi are conveyed by assembling a rich fabric of Vergilian echoes. Fassina compares Proba's text with another late antique cento, the so-called Versus ad gratiam Domini by Pomponius, and demonstrates the superiority of Proba’s technique, who is able to amalgamate, more ably than Pomponius, different quotations of Vergilian units.
In questa relazione, l’autore mette a confronto due commentari antichi, quello di Servio e quello di Donato sul libro V e IX dell’Eneide. Servio tende a sorvolare su episodi (o anche su singole parole) che potrebbero suggerire un certo grado di licenziosità in Virgilio. Per esempio, evita di soffermarsi sulla natura dell’amor fra Niso e Eurialo nel quinto libro dell’Eneide. Al contrario, Donato dà più spazio allo stesso episodio per spiegare come l’amor tra i due giovani troiani si configuri come un altro aspetto della loro pietas. In più, Donato sostiene che la natura dell’amore che unisce Eurialo e Niso non sia turpis (sensuale) ma casta (castus).
This paper deals with the De summa temporum, vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum written between 550-551 by Jordanes, bishop of Croton (but the identification is problematic). The author focuses his attention on the phrase armis et legibus which Jordanes fictitiously attributes to Iamblichus. Mastandrea argues that Jordanes is in fact echoing the opening phrase of the emperor Justinian’s De Institutionibus promulgandis (written in 533), and that the quotation is referred to as a phrase by Iamblichus so as deliberately to constitute his polemical damnatio, given that Justinian was, at the time of the De summa, openly hostile to Pope Vigilius.
The essay is a palaeographical note on a number of manuscripts (X-XII century) contained in the library of the Archiginnasio at Bologna. These manuscripts largely preserve Christian texts; a noteworthy exception is constituted by two volumes of Euclid's Elements.
The prologue of Martianus Capella's de nuptiis to the nuptial fabula (the marriage between Philologia and Mercurius) is constituted by a first part in verses, the hymn to Hymenaeus (an unicum in the ancient literature), followed by a second part in prose, a meta-literary dialogue with the homonym son, to which the work is dedicated. The subject, recalling Lucrece and Porphyry, delineates the cultural project of de nuptiis: a defense, and at the same time a new suggestion, of the pagan cultural tradition, where philology is the science, a critical method, under which the encyclios paideia has to be to gathered.
The author looks at the genre of Bibelepik and argues that the recognition of allusions to pagan texts is not always a straightforward process. Stella illustrates how, in Dracontius, in a number of cases, traces of pagan echoes are the result of accidental confluences due to the fact that the Christian text alluded to in the first place contains in turn a reference to a pagan text.
This paper examines a depiction of Cupids found in a fourth-century mosaic at Aquileia in an area between the ancient forum and the harbour. Fontana argues that the mosaic, which represents a number of winged Cupids framed by a garland of flowers and leaves, could date back either to the time of the emperor Constantine (similar mosaics have been found in the palace of Constantine at Trier) o to the age of Constantius II. In either case, the mosaic and the palace to which it would have belonged are likely to constitute an exemplary sample from a period of political and economic renaissance of the town of Aquileia in late antiquity.
The thematic structure of Silius Italicus' Punica immediately conjures up in the mind of the reader book nine of the Aeneid, which is Silius’ main hypotext. However, Silius 'contaminates' his hypotext with further echoes, redirecting his reader either to other books of the Aeneid or to different authors such as Ovid and Lucan. Fernandelli defines this technique of blending in the same passage various allusions to different parts of the Aeneid as a form of selective memory which recalls the narrative strategy operated by Ovid in his re-reading of Vergil. Silius challenges the reader's memory to recognize the trace of the hypotext in what undeniably constitutes a literary tour de force. In Silius, the echoes are 'fragmented': he breaks up a single literary allusion into small linguistic units and scatters them in different parts of the text which have in common similar scenes.
De Stefani analyses a number of passages taken from Nicander’s Theriaca and Alexipharmaca. He argues that Nicander expanded the poetic register of late antique Greek poetry with a wealth of technical and medical terms drawn from the Hippocratic corpus and, more importantly, common also to the Dionysiaca of Nonnus of Panopolis.
This paper is a critical edition with Italian translation and running commentary of a text contained in the Anthologia Latina: the Praefatio (according to its title in the codex Salmasianus), a prose poem of thirteen lines. Cristante investigates the poetic register of the piece and argues that the preference for an unfamiliar and often cryptic language reveals that the text is likely to have been conceived as a message, presumably by a grammarian, addressed to a literary circle of other grammarian poets.
This paper presents a close study of three textual variants in the poems of Ausonius. Ausonius' oeuvre is split into two corpora, each with its own independent textual transmission. Mondin compares the Vossianus Latinus F 111 (the most complete manuscript of Ausonius' poems) with the manuscripts of group Z, and shows very effectively that in the three cases under scrutiny the textual discrepancies are due not to scribal interpolations but to Ausonius himself, who intervened with several changes during the various stages of the redaction of his texts.
M.G. Ciani discusses the presence at a "subliminal level" of ancient Greek and Latin literature in the novels of Virginia Woolf. The author argues that classical texts, and in particular ancient myths, provide Woolf with an imaginary room of her own where the writer (just like one of her characters, Jacob, in the novel Jacob's Room) finds a protective space, hidden away from the anxiety and the horrors of the Second World War.
The author examines five epigrams by the sixth-century African poet Luxorius transmitted in the Anthologia Latina. For each epigram he gives an Italian translation and brief textual notes, mainly focusing on allusions to classical authors ranging from Horace to Martial.
This paper is a running commentary on a metrical epistle (2.19) sent by Ruricius of Limoges to his friend Sedatus. The commentary brings to light the wealth of literary echoes (from the Augustan poets, historians, grammarians and a handful of allusions to Christian authors) and the "esprit précieux" of Ruricius who, like many other late antique writers, seeks refuge in the world of literature unscathed by the worrying events of the outside world.
This paper investigates the important presence of Horace in the texts of Sidonius. Horace is not only an auctor from whom Sidonius draws many allusions, but also a writer whose vicissitudes Sidonius perceives to be very similar to his own. Both authors supported individuals who turned out to be the defeated party (Horace fought for Brutus at Philippi; Sidonius for Avitus in his struggle against Majorian) and both obtained the pardon and favour of the winner (Augustus and Majorian respectively) thanks to their amicitia with influential men of letters (Horace with Maecenas and Sidonius with the magister epistolarum).
The Venus of Apuleius is a "cultural cocktail" combining the Greek Aphrodite (the so-called Aphrodite Pandemos) and the Roman Venus. In accordance with the Platonic idea of the existence of two kinds of Venus (the Urania and the Pandemos), Apuleius inserts both reminiscences of the praise of Venus from the prologue of Lucretius' de Rerum Natura and borrowings from Varro’s discussion of the etymology of the name of Venus in his de lingua Latina.
Agosti attempts to sketch the main features of the Greek literary production between the fifth and sixth centuries. He argues that during this span of time authors, drawing on the example of Nonnus of Panopolis, experiment with new forms of poetry and literary genres such as the cento and the Bibelepik. Authors such as John of Gaza, Agathias and Paulus Silentiarius see themselves engaged in an agon with their literary models. Agosti argues that it is unfair to label the poetic language of these authors as empty mannerisms; instead, it should be seen as a specimen of a common rhetorical code shared by elites of sophisticated writers. Agosti points out that this seemingly "minor" literature contains valuable snapshots which reveal the level of culture (and social wealth) in the provinces of the sixth-century Byzantine empire.
This paper gathers together the words with which Professor Serpa inaugurated the 2006 edition of the European Summer School of Classics. His words commemorate Professor Filippo Cassola, who taught at the University of Trieste, celebrating his courtesy and solicitude, as well as his literary interests and his main sphere of activity, his historical studies.
The author discusses the presence of Vergil in Cassiodorus. Cassiodorus displays an ambivalent dynamic of appropriation: whereas in his texts on Christian exegesis his allusions to Vergil are intentionally vague, in his historiographical works the auctoritas of Vergil is repeatedly stressed. Indeed, in the latter Cassiodorus seeks to attain a different goal: Vergil serves as the authoritative source in order to present the Goths both as a race sharing a common divine lineage with the Romans and as people of ancient traditions whose origins were ennobled by a mention at Aeneid, 3.35 [Gradivus] Geticis qui praesidet arvis.