Along with carrying out a complete renewal of the Albanian state and political structures, the Italians showed great commitment to excluding from every area of public life all those who were considered hostile to the new regime. Between 1939 and 1943 the Italians extended to Albania their legislation on police confinement and founded in Tirana a confinement committee on the Italian model. Several Albanians, among them a great number of intellectuals, teachers, students were confined to small towns in Northern and Central Italy; just few of them were sent to camps or towns in Albania and only the most dangerous individuals were sent to the colonies on the Italian islands. However, calculating the actual number of the Albanians who were sentenced for political reasons seems very difficult, especially from the end of 1941, because of the fragmented nature of the relevant documents and the different kinds of coercive measure that were taken.
“Sideways” gaze or thinking (R. Barthes, F. Jullien) refers to a specific type of intercultural philosophy that, more than others, allows us to disengage from the conditioning and prejudices that we suffer when we try to understand a different culture, civilization or religion. This paper identifies and discusses the characteristics of this intercultural approach and shows which theoretical structures and precautions are the most helpful to avoid an erroneous or stereotyped image of the “other”. These structures are based on a particular idea of ‘difference’ that requires to consider as “interdependent variables” (G. Pasqualotto) not only the different compared cultures, but also the point of view from which the comparison is made.
The contribution focuses on the evolution of the image of the enemy in monuments, starting with the wars of independence, such as the Tower of San Martino to close with the long season of monuments to the fallen. The contrast between the systematic use of denigrating images of the enemy throughout the war season and their almost total disappearance after the end of the war was emphasized, when the new “cult of the fallen” will make the representation of the opponent fought for so long progressively irrelevant.
This article describes the efforts of the well-known Albanian writer and scholar Ernesto Koliqi (1903-1975) to promote Albanological studies in Italy as a tool to counter Communism ideology and support Italian influence in Albania during the Cold War. The difficult diplomatic relations between Rome and Tirana did not make this task easy. The initiatives carried out by Koliqi with the support of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs had a clear political meaning. Based upon unpublished sources, the article shows the close connections between culture and politics in the field of Albanian Studies during the second half of the Fifties and the close ties between the Italian Government and the Albanian political groups of exiles in Italy, such as the National Independent Block (Blloku kombëtar indipendent, BKI), whose Koliqi was one of the most prominent members.
The paper starts with a lexicographical research on the definition of hatred in different cultures and draws from it a semiotic model structured in several levels of enunciation, which are linked to contrasting values. The philosophical tradition that attributes hatred to a perception of damage is then examined. From it derives a political and polemological analysis that sees hatred as a category of conflict and especially of war. Finally, we consider “hate speech” from a semiotic point of view, a very widespread category in contemporary debate and show how it serves above all to prohibit certain types of discourse and to protect certain categories, without true reference to the nature of hatred.
Doctor Klaus Voigt (1938-2021) devoted much of his long life to studying Jewish refugees from Nazi-Germany who escaped to Italy. Among his countless books and essays, his most well-known books (Zuflucht auf Widerruf / Il rifugio precario) are a must for every scholar dealing with similar subjects. Since the Ninties, he was a member of the executive board of the Fondazione villa Emma in Nonantola (Modena). He published a lot about the group of Jewish children who lived there from 1942 to 1943 after their escape from Nazi- occupied Europe, fully integrated in this little town, where they where even given hospitality in the priests’ seminary, the convent of nuns, by several families after September 8th 1943, while preparing their escape to Switzerland. Doctor Voigt organized several photo-exhibitions about this story in more than forty cities in Europe. As an art lover, he organized exhibitions both in Florence and Berlin featuring Jewish artists and intellectuals. He was working on the biography of a Jewish painter, whose works will be exhibited in 2023 at Palazzo Pitti, when he died.
Larissa Quaroni Cegodaeff – wife of the young diplomat Pietro Quaroni – spent almost four years between 1928 and 1931 in Albania during the diplomatic mission of her husband. In this time, Miss Quaroni Cegodaeff made a big number of photographic reports. Although they were pictures destined to private use, they represent an exceptional historical proof of the Albania of those years; such photos portray the life of the country whit its backwardness and with the first strides towards modernity.
The aim of this article is to investigate how Italy and Italians were depicted in post WWII Yugoslavia. It’s shown how the corpus of national stereotypes developed in the Nineteenth century was used later on. The research points out that the Yugoslav elite confronted the border crisis it had with Italy through a dual strategy. On one hand the official statements and the press mirrored the official ideology and described facts in political terms, as if it was a skirmish between communism and an imperialistic regime. By the other side the research shows that in 1951-1953, as a toll to support the Yugoslav diplomatic action for the “internationalization” of Trieste, a specific bland of propaganda was developed, which borrowed from old anti venetian stereotypes and updated them according to the new political and international situation.
Animalisation is a process that is very often used in the field of graphic satire. However, this process is quite formidable when the animal of reference has a bad reputation. This is the case of the pig, a polysemous animal, but which, in the West, is generally stigmatised, both because of its behaviour and its physical appearance. Depicting an individual in the guise of a pig is therefore a very strong symbolic degradation that caricaturists have not ceased to use by involving themselves, in their own way, in the religious, social and political struggles of their time.
At the turn of the 20th century on the Adriatic north-east coastline, there was a growing sense of national identity within the Italian and Slovenian communities. After the First World War, the region became part of the Kingdom of Italy, which thereby favoured the Italians over the local Slovenian people. The Italian Irredentism first, and Fascism later, extended their nationalist beliefs to every aspect of life, including artistic expressions. Therefore, the local cultural scene was subject to a binary narration in which the artists were defined mainly by their nationality rather than their work. Comparing the Italian and Slovenian press in the area helps to understand and retrace a complicated story in which the national identity doesn’t define the artists once and for all. Law and politics gave directions, but they have been applied, interpreted, disobeyed, and bypassed to a great extent. With its rising power, Fascism took control over the social and cultural life and censorship, which widely affected every nonconforming initiative. The Slovenian artists, at a certain time, seemed surrendered. However, they somehow resisted the constraint, safeguarding their culture and freedom as best they could.
In July 1920 the Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Giolitti, set up the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on war expenditures to examine how government ministries, departments and agencies had managed public money during the Great War. More specifically, the Commission had two task: 1) to ascertain any possible irregular use of public funds, and thus any undue profits obtained by government contractors under the war economy; and 2) to establish any moral, political, administrative and legal responsibility of government servants. At the end of its term, the Commission should submit to the Parliament a Final Report including both the resuls of its inquiry activities and the goals achieved. Among the issues on which the Commission had to investigate – and thus report on – there was the Italian military campaign in Albania (1914-1920), which ended in a humiliating withdrawal of Italian forces. The purpose of this work is to shed new light on the chapter of the Final Report devoted to the Italian intervention in Albania by: 1) reviewing briefly origins and scope of the Commission, as well as the role and importance of Albania in Italy’s Adriatic strategy; 2) examining the results of the Commission’s investigation as recorded in the minutes of proceedings; and 3) making a critical analysis of the the contents of the Final Report.
Two episodes deduced from the cinema summarize the enemy phenomenology. The first of them relates to what happened on the Planet of the Apes set (1968). During the backstage those who were disguised as gorillas and chimpanzees and those who maintained human features tended to form three separate groups: unknowingly, each one had adapted to the category they performed. They maintained the hostility which was in force in the script even outside of fiction. In an opposite case two enemies recognize each other on the cultural identity that the war, with its propaganda apparatus, helps to dismantle. This is what is told in the film I’ll Met by Moonlight. Two soldiers, one English and one German, both lovers of classical literature, recognize themselves not as enemies on opposite sides but as men who share the same culture. If this human condition is true then it will be in the interest of those who want to build enemies to point out the differences (physical appearance, eating behaviors, language, non-verbal interactions, clothing ...) in order to encourage the solidarity of one group over the other and instigate the opposition.