The First World War was a real test for photography and its use in propaganda. Gabriele D’Annunzio, also in this field, had a pioneering role. The article analyzes three images rep-resenting Gabriele D’Annunzio and tries to explore their shifting meaning due to different uses and circulation. Looking at the process of re- elaboration, reinterpreting, re-publish the article shows how one of the icons of the famous Italian poet was born in Fiume.
Italian studies on the occupation of Fiume under D’Annunzio have focussed very little on the non-Italian population of the city. The article wishes to present a group of Fiume inhabitants of Croatian national sentiment and Yugoslav political leanings. This group, belonging to the middle class and well-educated, is understood here as an “emotional community” and analysed with methods of history of emotions, history of ideas and lit-erary anthropology of feelings. We will examine a body of texts produced by them and study the prevailing emotions linked to national sentiment: boredom, enthusiasm, love, indignation, resentment and disillusionment.
This paper deals with the women’s participation at the D’Annunzio’s impresa di Fiume (En-deavor of Fiume, 1919-1920): Margherita Besozzi and Margherita Incisa di Camerana, as well as lesser-known characters such as Nicolina Fabris, the mother of the grenadiers and Maria Vitali, the custodian of the dead. Finally, mention is made of the social commitment of the educationalist Gemma Harasim, from Fiume who was ahead of her times and who left a lasting imprint on educational modernity and on female emancipation.
This paper investigates how since 1914 the ideal of ancient Rome fuelled Gabriele D’Annunzio’s claim that Histria and Dalmatia should be Italian soil, and shows how Latin epigraphy served such purpose as a privileged medium of historical record. In this respect, a specific case study is offered, focussing on the Latin funerary inscription de-signed by D’Annunzio for the tomb of Captain Giovanni Randaccio in the Cimitero degli Eroi at Aquileia. In addition, the inscription is compared to the Latin funerary inscription for the tomb of Captain Count Riccardo Della Torre, which is found in the same place.
With the analysis of some school yearbooks published between 1918 and 1924, this pa-per aims at describing how the influence of D’Annunzio’s seizure of Fiume was felt in the everyday life of secondary schools in the Venezia Giulia region. After the first World War, D’Annunzio’s fame was immense, not only as an outstanding poet, but even more as a war hero. So it doesn’t come as a surprise that, a few days after September 12, 1919, his endeavour was greeted with genuine enthusiasm even in some official publications. Yet, during the occupation of Fiume, less attention was seemingly paid to what was actually happening in that town, while celebrations of the victory in the war, and of the volunteers from Venezia Giulia who had fallen fighting in the Italian army, very often used the Vate’s peculiar language, and above all the religious imagery of his patriotism. In this way, the memory of the Fiume enterprise was largely used to pave the way for the rise of Fascism.
The article deals with the period of the history of Fiume from January 5 to October 5, 1921, using the sources of the Zanella Archive (kept in the Archivio Storico di Fiume in Rome). The elections (April 24) for the constituent Assembly of the new Free State of Fiume, established by the Rapallo Treaty, are the central event. Before the elections, fascists and legionaries committed severe violence. After the unexpected victory of the autonomists, the violence multiplies, and the national-fascists try to establish an excep-tional government. The attempt fails because of the opposition of the plenipotentiary minister to Fiume Caccia Dominioni and the Italian government. However, the situation of public order remains turbulent. Only with the Bonomi government (July 4) and the ap-pointment of General Amantea as Extraordinary Commissioner will the convening of the Constituent Assembly be set for October 5.
This article illustrates the results of a thorough cross-analysis of two particular archive records: those of Italian Masonry and that of the Senate of the Republic. The range of time taken into account is the first three-year period of the Fascist government, namely from the date of the March on Rome and ending on the proclamation of the law against the associa-tions (November 1925). A detailed and for many aspects unexpected account emerges, from which the real ideological components and their fluctuations come into view. Moreover, such exclusive aspect of the relations between Fascism and Masonry, until now scarcely explored, sheds a more definitive light on the actual or supposed affiliation of such political charac-ters, thanks to the “sifting” intervention carried out first and foremost on the sources of the Grand Orient of Italy’s Historical Archive, as well as on those of the Grand Lodge of Italy, of the State Central Archive and, obviously, of the Senate of the Republic’s Historical Archive.
After WWI, free ports, autonomous statutes, wealthy towns granted by the League of Na-tions might seem the best solution to solve inextricable national claims. It was not just a matter of putting out fires of growing nationalism in the successor states, but it was also the need to deal with the vacuum left by the crush of huge empires. The collapse of Russia, indeed, was threatening to spread bolshevism in Europe. The cluster of new successors states in East Europe could achieve a double purpose, the containment of bolshevik Russia in the East and of German empowerment in the West. Free access to the sea meant economical and political strengthening which was supposed to stabilize the new (or reborn) national creations. In such circumstances, it is scarcely surprising that the solution of the free cities was going to be the way to get out of the ethnical complexity in Memelland, in Danzig and also in Fiume. However, if economical growth would have been the only way to grant the survival of autonomies, the lack of mutual confidence and economical cooperation at international level and the huge national expectations would have undermined every attempt to set up a “wilsonian order” in Europe.
«Qualestoria» è la rivista dell’Irsml FVG, fondata nel 1973 come «Bollettino dell’Istituto regionale per la storia del movimento di liberazione nel Friuli Venezia Giulia». Ospita contributi di autori italiani e stranieri, promuovendo la pubblicazione di numeri monografici e miscellanei. La rivista propone tradizionalmente tematiche legate alla storia contemporanea dell’area alto-adriatica e delle zone di frontiera, rivolgendo particolare attenzione allo studio e alla storiografia dei paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale e balcanica. Le proposte di pubblicazione vanno inviate all’indirizzo e-mail della redazione. Saranno preventivamente valutate da esperti interni ed esterni al comitato di direzione. I saggi pubblicati nella sezione «Studi e ricerche» sono sottoposti in forma anonima a double-blind peer review. «Qualestoria» è attualmente presente nei seguenti indici: Bibliografia storica nazionale, Catalogo italiano dei periodici (Acnp), Essper, Gbv (Gemainsame Bibliotheksverbund), Google Scholar, Res. È inoltre inserita dall’Anvur nella lista delle riviste scientifiche ai fini dell’abilitazione scientifica nazionale. La rivista non si intende impegnata dalle interpretazioni e vedute espresse da articoli e note firmati.